By Richard M. Hogg
First released in 1992, A Grammar of outdated English, quantity 1: Phonology used to be a landmark booklet that during the intervening years has now not been handed in its intensity of scholarship and usability to the sector. With the 2011 posthumous ebook of Richard M. Hogg’s Volume 2: Morphology, Volume 1 is back in print, now in paperback, in order that students can personal this entire work.
- Takes account of significant advancements either within the box of previous English reports and in linguistic theory
- Takes complete benefit of the Dictionary of Old English venture at Toronto, and contains complete cross-references to the DOE data
- Fully makes use of paintings in phonemic and generative idea and similar topics
- Provides fabric an important for destiny learn either in diachronic and synchronic phonology and in ancient sociolinguistics
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Additional info for A Grammar of Old English
5n6). 2 Thus EpGl has, excluding obvious errors, 19 ¥ 〈/〉, 11 initial, 4 medial, 2 final, and 8¥ 〈¨〉, 3 initial, 2 medial, 2 final. ErfGl 601 pdpcstil for EpGl /e/cstil ‘thistle’ must be a misinterpretation of the Ep–Erf archetype, probably written in the last quarter of the seventh century, see Pheifer (1974: §88). Similarly, there are four occurrences of 〈¨〉 in ErfGl (307, 456, 583, 997), which are unlikely to have been innovations by the German scribe. 3 There are many exceptions to this statement; note especially Ru2 which uses 〈/〉 against Ru1 which uses 〈¨〉, and also Oros(L) where 〈/〉 is predominant in all positions.
Nbah ‘near’. As with Co, Bo early mss. have occasional spellings confirming the development from /æu/, but they also often suggest a slightly higher first element, as discussed immediately above. 2 An older spelling is 〈wo〉, examples from Gmc *au being: Bede(M)† 12odbaldum, 12dbaldo, CorpGl 1117 8enwot ‘companion’, LVD† 12ostoruini (alongside 2osturuini). 3 Occasional 〈æa〉 spellings can be observed throughout the period, but they are without phonological significance except in so far as they confirm the pronunciation of the first element.
Brunner takes the 〈i〉 of 〈ie〉 after an initial palatal consonant as purely diacritical. 28. 3 The same conclusion was earlier drawn by McLaughlin (1979), but his arguments are rejected by Colman. 4 Colman holds essentially the same position as Brunner, see n1, with regard to 〈ie〉 after a palatal consonant, and rejects the view that bisyllabic /ie/ ever became diphthongal. But since she admits (1985: 10–11) the possibility that /Ì, iy/ became at some fairly early stage [Á, iv], these cases could fall in with the above.
A Grammar of Old English by Richard M. Hogg